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Obama’s Speech in Cairo

보라마녀 — Fri, 05 Jun 2009 17:33:19 +0900

The following is a text of President Obama's prepared remarks to the Muslim world, delivered on June 4, 2009, as released by the White House.

I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.

We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world – tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust.

So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.

I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles – principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do – to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.

Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.

As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam – at places like Al-Azhar University – that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.

I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers – Thomas Jefferson – kept in his personal library.

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words – within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one."

Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores – that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.

This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared.

That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.

In Ankara, I made clear that America is not – and never will be – at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.

Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.

That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths – more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of promoting peace.

We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon.

Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."

Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future – and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.

So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.

For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities.

Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist.

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.

Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.

Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.

Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer.

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.

It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation – including Iran – should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.

I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.

There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people.

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.

The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.

Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways.

Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld – whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit – for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.

Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action – whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.

The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.

I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.

Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.

Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity – men and women – to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations – including my own – this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.

But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.

This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.

On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.

On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.

On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.

All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.

I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world.

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.

It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.

The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."

The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."

The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."

The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you.

프랑스도 복면 시위 금지? MB 닮은 꼴, 사르코지 정부

보라마녀 — Thu, 09 Apr 2009 17:55:56 +0900

요즘 대한민국 상황을 보면 누군가 시계를 거꾸로 돌리고 있다는 말을 하지 않을 수가 없습니다. 기자들이 잡혀가고 정부 비판적인 인사들이 불이익을 받고, 하나하나 꼽을 수 없을 만큼 우려스러운 일들이 곳곳에서 수시로 벌어지고 있습니다.

그런데 외신을 보다보니 시계가 고장난 나라가 또 있습니다. 프랑스입니다. 물론 사실상의 쿠데타가 일어나는 곳(마다가스카르)도 있고 부정 선거 시비로 유혈 사태가 일어나는 나라(몰도바)도 있습니다. 하지만 민주주의 역사 차원에서 볼 때 현재 프랑스의 모습은 이런 나라들보다 더 경악할 만하다고 해도 과언이 아닙니다.

오늘 아침, 정말 실소를 금할 수 없었습니다. 프랑스 정부와 여당인 대중운동연합(UMP)이 복면 등으로 얼굴을 가리고 시위에 참가하면 처벌하는 내용의 입법 추진 의사를 밝혔기 때문입니다. '프랑스판 신지호'는 UMP의 디디에 쥘리아 의원입니다. 집회나 시위에 복면이나 다른 것으로 얼굴을 가리면 벌금을 물게 하거나 금고형에 처하겠다는 내용의 법안을 제출했습니다. 당 차원에서도 이 법안을 지지하고 있고 UMP가 하원의 과반을 차지하고 있는 만큼 '불도저식'으로 밀어부친다면 통과는 어렵지 않을 것으로 보입니다.

이는 최근 프랑스에서 나토 정상회담이 열렸을 때 시위가 벌어졌는데 일부 과격 시위대가 방화 등을 해서 '폭동'을 연상케 하자, 정부에서 내놓은 대책의 하나입니다. 과격 시위대를 옹호할 생각은 없지만 빈대 잡자고 초가삼간 태우는, 집회 시위의 자유를 침해하는 코메디 법안이라는 생각은 신 의원이 지난 10월 비슷한 법안을 내놓았을 때와 같습니다.

이뿐만이 아닙니다. 최근 니콜라 사르코지 대통령이 방송사 기술자에게 화내는 동영상이 인터넷에 공개되면서 엄청난 클릭수를 기록, 큰 반향을 불러일으켰는데요, 결국 지난 1일 이를 내보낸 인터넷 신문 기자 등 4명이 경찰 조사를 받아 논란이 됐습니다..

사르코지 대통령은 지난해 6월 30일 프랑스3TV와 인터뷰를 하기 전에 방송사 기술자에게 인사를 하지 않는다고 화를 냈습니다. 뭐 핏대를 올리거나 한 것은 아니고 교육의 문제라는 둥, 이런 데서 일할 자격이 없다는 둥 깐족거리는 수준이지만 눈살을 지푸리게 만드는 모습이었습니다.
(화내는 사르코지 동영상)

이 동영상은 진보 성향의 인터넷 신문인 '뤼(rue)89'를 통해 세상에 공개됐고 프랑스3TV측은 편집국장, 기자 등 관련자 4명을 고소했습니다. 혐의는 ‘(필름) 도난·은닉·저작권 침해’. 자신들의 영상물을 무단으로 공개했다는 겁니다.

해당 기자는 경찰 조사 후 '국경없는 기자회'에서 기자회견을 갖고 “엘리제궁에서 프랑스3 TV에 고소를 하라고 압력을 넣었음이 틀림없다.”며 “명백히 조작된 정치적 행위”라고 비판했습니다.

대통령의 화내는 모습을 공개한 것이 경찰 조사를 받을 정도라니, 등기로 보낸 소환장이 도착하기 전에 체포한 검찰을 둔 대한민국과 프랑스도 별반 다를 게 없는 것 같습니다. 물론 다른 언론사 취재물을 허락 없이 배포한 것을 옹호하는 건 아니니 오해없으시길 바랍니다.

여기서 끝이냐, 그럴리가요.
프랑스 의회는 인터넷 불법 다운로드를 막기 위한 감시 시스템을 도입하는 법을 처리할 것으로 보입니다. 불법 다운로드, 막아야 합니다. 이점에 이의를 제기할 사람은 없을 겁니다.

문제는 방법입니다. 불법 다운로드를 하다 걸린 네티즌에게 1차로 메일 경고를 하고 3개월 내 또다시 다운로드를 하면 공식 서한을 통해 2차 경고를 합니다. 그러다 1년 내 또 걸릴 경우 인터넷 접속을 차단 당합니다.

한마디로 인터넷을 사용할 권리를 박탈한다는 건데, 이 때문에 프랑스에서는 기본권 침해 논란이 있습니다. 지금은 인터넷 사용은 기본권이라는 시민단체와 야당, 심지어 여당 일부 의원들까지 이 법안을 반대하고 있지만 문화장관은 인터넷 사용은 기본권이 아니라는 입장을 내놓고 있습니다.

또 기본권 침해 논란을 떠나서 인터넷 접속이 끊긴 다음에야 무죄를 소명할 기회가 주어지고 본인이 이를 증명해야 합니다. 무선 인터넷을 사용할 경우 다른 사람의 죄를 뒤집어 쓸 수 있다는 맹점이 있는 겁니다.

악플러를 잡겠다고 네티즌을 잠재적 범죄자로 규정하고 모욕죄를 추진하고 있는 우리 정부와 프랑스 정부의 모습, 역시 비슷하다는 인상을 지울 수 없습니다.

불법 시위, 무단 게재, 불법 다운로드, 악플을 옹호하는 사람은 없을 겁니다. 그렇다고 해서 제재가 우선이라는 철학을 갖고, 강경 대응이 만나라는 자세로 정부를 운영하는 것에 면죄부를 줄 수는 없는 겁니다.

내일은 씁쓸한 뉴스를 우리 정부가 줄지 프랑스 정부가 줄지, 마음이 무겁기만 합니다.

P.S(2009/4/19 업뎃):불법 다운로드에 대한 삼진 아웃제는 일단 제동이 걸렸습니다. 표결에 부쳤는데 반대 21,찬성 15표로 부결됐습니다.

숫자를 보면 뭔가 이상하시죠? 프랑스 의회 재적은 577명인데 이날 여당의원 대부분은 불참하고 사회당 등 야당 의원들이 반대표를 던진 겁니다. 표결에 부치기 위해서는 재적 과반 등의 출석 요건이 있는 우리나라에서는 볼 수 없는 결과인데요. 이번 일 때문에 프랑스 당정은 지나치게 결석을 많이 하면 금전적으로 불이익을 주는 방안을 추진하겠다고 나섰는데, 반발이 만만치 않습니다. 어쨌거나 의원들이 본회의 출석 안하고 '땡땡이' 치는 건 프랑스도 마찬가지네요.

오바마 취임 연설(원문)

보라마녀 — Wed, 28 Jan 2009 17:29:14 +0900

My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for
the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our
ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as
well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this
transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The
words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the
still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst
gathering clouds andraging storms. At these moments, America has
carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in
high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the
ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our
nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and
hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and
irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective
failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.
Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health
care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings
further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our
adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and
statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of
confidence across our land _ a nagging fear that America's decline
is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are
serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short
span of time. But know this, America _ they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear,
unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances
and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for
far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time
has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm
our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward
that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to
generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free
and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that
greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never
been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path
for the faint-hearted _ for those who prefer leisure over work, or
seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the
risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things _ some celebrated but
more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us
up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled
across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured
the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and
Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and
worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better
life. They saw Americaas bigger than the sum of our individual
ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or
faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most
prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less
productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less
inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last
week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished.
But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and
putting off unpleasant decisions _ that time has surely passed.
Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and
begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of
the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act _ not
only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We
will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital
lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We willrestore
science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to
raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the
sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our
factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and
universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do.
All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions _ who
suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their
memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has
already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination
is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted
beneath them _ that the stale political arguments that have consumed
us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not
whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works
_ whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, caretheycan afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes,
we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will
end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to
account _ to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in
the light of day _ because only then can we restore the vital trust
between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for
good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is
unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful
eye, the market can spin out of control _ and that a nation cannot
prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our
economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross
domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability
to extend opportunity to every willing heart _ not out of charity,
but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we rejectas false the choice between
our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our founding
fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a
charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter
expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the
world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to
all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from
the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born:
know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman,
and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are
ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism
not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and
enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot
protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they
knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security
emanates from the justness ofour cause, the force of our example,
the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles
once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater
effort _ even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.
We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a
hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes,
we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back
the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way
of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to
advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we
say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you
cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a
weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus
_ and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture,drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the
bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that
dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe
that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe
shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common
humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in
ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual
interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who
seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West _
know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what
you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and
deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong
side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing
to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to
make your farmsflourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish
starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours
that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford
indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we
consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the
world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with
humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour,
patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to
tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper
through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians
of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a
willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.
And yet, at this moment _ a moment that will define a generation _
it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimatelythe faithand determination of the American people upon which this
nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the
levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their
hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our
darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway
filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a
child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet
them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends _
hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and
curiosity, loyalty and patriotism _ these things are old. These
things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress
throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these
truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility _
a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to
ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that wedo not
grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge
that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of
our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence _ the knowledge that God
calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed _ why men and
women and children of every race and every faith can join in
celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father
less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local
restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how
far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest
of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on
the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was
advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when theoutcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our
nation ordered these words be read to the people:
``Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of
winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the
city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to
meet (it).''
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our
hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and
virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what
storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when
we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not
turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and
God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and
delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of
America.

대통령 가족 사생활은 어디까지 보호돼야 하나

보라마녀 — Wed, 28 Jan 2009 17:21:20 +0900

공인의 사생활은 어디까지 보호돼야 하느냐는 문제는 무 자르듯 딱 여기서부터 여기까지다라고 말하기 어려울 정도로 애매합니다. 보호될 필요가 없다는 게 아니라 절대적으로 보호돼야할 영역도 분명 존재하지만 상황이나 맥락에 따라 판단이 달라질 수 있는 부분도 있다는 얘기죠.

일단 공인의 정의를 내리는 것부터 쉽지가 않습니다. 하지만 오늘은 대통령에 대한 것이니 그 질문은 건너뛰고 얘기를 시작해도 되겠지요.

대통령은 누구도 부인할 수 없는 공인입니다. 딱히 보장받을 수 있는 사생활을 만들기 힘들 정도라고 해도 과언이 아니겠죠. 당장은 비공개되더라도 기록물로 남아 언제가는 공개될 것까지하면 대통령의 임기 중 사생활이 실제로 차지하는 비율은 그리 높지 않을 것입니다.

대통령이 보장 받을 수 있는 사생활은 어디까지일까요. 좀더 범위를 넓혀서 생각해서 정치인의 사생활은 어디까지 보호대상일까요. 정답은 없을 겁니다만 분명한 것은 나라와 문화에 따라 혹은 그 정치인의 그간 평판이나 업적 등에 따라 달라질 수 있다는 겁니다.

모니카 르윈스키와 스캔들로 전세계를 떠들썩하게 했던 빌 클린턴 대통령이 임기를 채울 수 있었던 것이 대통령의 사생활도 보호받아야한다,라는 미국 사회 분위기가 있었기에 가능했다는 점을 부인할 사람은 없을 겁니다. 물론 큰 꿈을 품고 있던 아내 힐러리 클린턴의 정치적 수완과 결합이 됐기 때문이겠지만요.

프랑스 라시다 다티 법무장관의 경우를 보겠습니다. 얼마전 딸을 출산했는데 아이 아버지는 베일에 가려져 있습니다. 비혼모 장관인 것이죠. 우리나라 언론은 다티 장관이 복잡한 사생활 때문에 니콜라 사르코지 대통령의 눈밖에 났다고 보고 있지만 현지 언론을 보면 사생활 보다는 취임 후 사법 개혁에 있어서 손발이 맞지 않는 등 업무적인 부분이 더 크다고 할 수 있습니다. 물론 정치인이니 여론을 의식하지 않을 수 없겠지만 프랑스 사회 자체가 애 아버지에 '관심'을 갖긴 하지만 비혼인 상태에서 애를 낳았다는 것을 공격하는 성격을 갖고 있지는 않거든요. 프랑스는 유럽에서 출산율이 가장 높은데 그 출산율을 견인하는 이들이 결혼하지 않은 젊은 동거 커플이라는 점을 보면 사회 분위기가 쉽게 짐작이 가실 겁니다.

위의 두가지 경우,클린턴과 다티와 같은 일이 우리나라에서 벌어졌다면? 결과는 달랐을 겁니다.

대통령을 포함한 정치인의 사생활에 대한 판단은 이처럼 쉽지 않지요.그렇다면 대통령의 가족들의 사생활은 어떨까요.

부시 대통령의 두 쌍둥이 딸 중 한명이 미성년 시절 음주로 유명세를 떨치고 대학에 가서는 '파티걸'로 세간의 입에 오르내렸습니다. 대통령의 딸이기에 앞서 한 개인으로서 미성년 음주와 같은 불법 행위는 몰라도 유흥까지 제약을 받아서야 되겠냐는 의견이 있을 수 있고 대통령의 딸로서 행동거지를 조심해야하는 것 아니냐는 목소리가 있을 수 있겠죠. 저는 개인적으로 전자에 손을 들어주고 싶습니다. 사실상 할아버지 부시때부터 백악관 생활을 해야했던 쌍둥이들이 좀 불쌍하기도 합니다. 부족한 것 없이 살면서 배부른 소리한다고 말씀하실 분들도 계시겠지만 극한의 빈곤의 상태가 아니라면 자유가 무엇보다 소중하지 않을까요.

어쨌든, 버락 오바마 대통령의 취임을 보면서 40대 젊은 대통령 내외,여기에 어린 딸들로 구성된 '퍼스트 패밀리'에 대해서는 프라이버시 문제가 크게 문제가 안될 줄 알았습니다. 초등학생이 음주나 약물로 말썽을 일으킬리도 없고, 파파라치들도 어린아이들은 가만히 두지 않겠나 싶었죠.

그런데 생각지 못했던 일이 일어났습니다. 오바마의 두 딸,말리아와 샤샤의 인기가 높아 두 아이가 입은 옷들은 금새 동이 날 정도가 되자 급기야 두 아이 이름을 딴 흑인 여자아이 인형이 등장한 것입니다. 이를 두고 미 언론은 퍼스트 패밀리의 프라버시를 둘러싼 첫 싸움이될 것이라고 보도하고 있고요.

타이(Ty)라는 회사는 귀여운 사샤(Sweet Sasha)와 놀라운 말리아(Marvelous Malia)라는 이름을 붙인 새 인형을 제작,판매하기 시작했습니다.

오바마 가면 등 오바마 상품은 전세계에서 제작 판매되고 있지만 이를 두고 뭐라고 할 사람은 없겠지요. 예전에 포스트한 것처럼 오바마 얼굴이 등장하는 선탠 광고지까지 나오는 마당에 인형쯤은 귀엽죠.

하지만 대통령의 딸들이라고 인형까지 만들어 파는 건 좀 심하다 싶습니다.아니나 다를까 인형이 출시되자 영부인 미셸은 대변인을 통해 "아이들을 마케팅에 이용하는 것은 부적절하다."고 유감 성명을 발표했습니다.

일각에서는 오바마의 인기로 흑인 인형도 대중화될 수 있다는 가능성을 보여주는 것 아니냐는 시각도 있습니다.실제로 타이사의 여자아이 인형 컬렉션 중 흑인은 이번이 처음이라고 하니까요.

다른 분들은 어느 쪽에 공감하시나요?

그 이후....
미 일간 시카고 트리뷴이 타이사가 더 이상 해당 인형을 제작,판매하지 않기로 결정했다고 2월 3일 보도했습니다. 결국 이 인형의 생명은 한달도 안되는구나,하는 생각도 들지만 그만큼 희소성이 생겨서 고가에 거래되지 않을까 예상해봅니다. 참고로 원래 인형 가격은 9달러 99센트였습니다.
(최초 포스트 등록일과 시간은 그대로 두고 어제 새로운 내용이 보도돼 내용 추가만 했습니다.)

자녀 이름 짓기는 부모의 권리일까

보라마녀 — Fri, 16 Jan 2009 17:21:29 +0900

심심치 않게 지면을 장식하는 뉴스 중 하나가 바로 개명에 대한 것입니다. 개명을 신청하는 사람도 늘었고 법원도 과거에 비해 덜 까다로운 결정을 하고 있어 개명 신청이 매년 증가하고 있다는 뉴스는 한번쯤 보셨을 겁니다.

특히 2006년 드라마 '내이름은 김삼순'이 인기를 끌면서 당시 개명에 대한 관심도가 높아지고 실제로 드라마의 영향으로 개명을 결심한 사람들도 있었죠.(당시 쓴 기사입니다. -> 이름 바꾼 삼순 삼식이 행복할까)

개명하는 이유는 다양할 겁니다.어렸을 때 이름 때문에 놀림을 많이 받았거나 어감이나 뜻이 이상한 경우 뿐만 아니라 점을 보고 개명을 결심하는 경우도 많죠. 제 주변에도 이름 때문에 일이 잘 풀리지 않는다는 이유로 이름을 바꾼 경우가 당장 떠오르는 사람만해도 2명이나 되니까요.

그런데 이름이라는 것,평생 내가 가지고가야하는 대상임에도 내가 아닌 부모님에 의해 결정이 됩니다. 물론 대다수의 부모님들은 자식들 이름을 어떻게 하면 잘 지을까 고민 끝에 결정을 하기 때문에 큰 문제는 없을 겁니다.

하지만 자식 이름을 갖고 장난치는 듯한 사람들을 보면 걱정스럽습니다.

전세계를 통털어서 가장 악명 높은 사람을 누굴까.각자 관점이 다르겠지만 아돌프 히틀러도 몇손가락안에 든다는 점을 부인할 사람은 없을 겁니다.그런데 아들 이름을 아돌프 히틀러라고 지은 사람이 있네요.

미국 뉴저지주 홀랜드 타운십에 사는 히스 캠벨과 데보라 캠벨 부부의 얘기입니다. 3살짜리 아들 이름은 아돌프 히틀러 캠벨이고 히틀러의 2살짜리 여동생의 이름은 조이스린 아리안 네이션 캠벨이고 8개월된 여동생은 혼츨린 힌러 지니 캠밸입니다.아리안 네이션은 1970년대 만들어진 백인 나치 우월주의 조직이고 힌러는 나치 지도자인 하인리히 힘러를 연상시키죠. 아래 사진은 히틀러와 그의 부모들입니다.

삼남매의 이름을 나치와 관련된 이름으로 지은 사실은 지난달 중순쯤에 세상에 알려졌습니다. 히틀러의 3번째 생일을 맞아서 아이 부모는 케이크를 주문했습니다. 케이크에 아들 이름을 써달라고 부탁했지만 빵집은 아이 이름이 히틀러라는 이유로 거절했고 당시 이 사실이 기사화됐습니다.당시 아이 아빠는 "내가 좋아하는 이름이라서 지었다.전세계에 이런 이름이 또 있겠냐."며 문제 될게 없다는 입장을 밝혔습니다.

현재 삼남매는 정부가 집에서 데리고 나와 보호하고 있습니다. 부모는 어제 가정법원의 첫 심리를 받고 정부와 양육권을 놓고 싸우게 됐죠.

이 문제를 담당하는 주정부 청년가족부에서는 아이들을 따로 보호하는 이유는 공개해서는 안된다는 이유로 구체적인 이유를 밝히고 있지 않습니다.대변인은 "단순히 이름 때문만은 아니다."라고 말했는데 당시 아이를 집에서 데리고 나온 경찰은 "학대를 받았다는 보고는 받지 못했다."고 해서 궁금증을 더해가고 있습니다.

그래서 미 언론들은 다른 학대 사실이 없다면 개명을 명령하고 양육권을 돌려줄 가능성이 높다고 봤습니다. 같은 미국의 사례는 아니지만 작년에 뉴질랜드에서 비슷한 일이 있었고 당시에도 개명 명령을 하고 아이들을 돌려줬거든요. 그때 아이 이름은 탈루라 더즈 더 훌라 프롬 하와이(Talua does the hula from Hawaii)이었습니다.ㅡㅡ;;

드라마 아들과 딸에서 딸 이름을 아들 기준으로 지었던 것을 굳이 상기시키지 않아도 극소수의 부모들은 자녀 이름 짓기에 무심하다못해 좀 심한 경우가 있습니다.물론 위에 언급한 외국 사례처럼 황당한 경우는 우리나의에서도 양육권 문제까지는 아니더라도 개명 신청이 충분히 받아들여질 것입니다.하지만 자신이 스스로 개명 신청을 할 수 있는 나이가 될 때까지 아이가 겪어야할 고통을 생각하면 이상한 이름을 짓는 건 명백한 '아동학대'라는 미국과 뉴질랜드 정부의 입장은 충분히 우리나라에서도 공감대를 얻을 수 있다고 봅니다.

갓 태어난 아기가 스스로 이름을 지을 수는 없습니다.그래서 부모의 자녀 이름 짓기는 부모의 권리가 아닌 의무일 것입니다.아이의 탄생을 기다리면서 이름 짓기에 고심 또 고심 하는 대부분의 부모님들에게,입에 올릴 필요도 없는 얘기이지만 멀리 살고 있는 어린 히틀러를 생각하면서 몇자 적어보았습니다.

글을 마무리하면서 문득 드는 생각,개명이 비교적 쉬운 미국인데 그렇게 좋은 이름이면 본인 이름을 히틀러로 바꾸지 왜 아이들 이름을 그렇게 했을까요? ㅡㅡ;

P.S:어제 올린 포스트 보신 분들은 눈치채셨겠지만 거기서 언급했던 또다른 엽기 부모 얘기가 바로 이겁니다.^^

맥주 받고 딸 판 아버지...문화 차이 이해는 어디까지?

보라마녀 — Thu, 15 Jan 2009 17:14:41 +0900

14살짜리 딸을 둔 아버지들에게 묻겠습니다.

맥주 100상자, 탄산음료 50상자, 게토레이 50상자, 와인 두상자, 고기 6상자,현금 16000달러를 주면 딸을 파시겠습니까?

여기까지만 쓰고나면 아마 전 악플은 물론 협박 전화에 시달릴 겁니다. 성격 급하신 분들은 회사로 찾아와서 멱살이라도 잡지 않으실까 싶습니다.

그런 미국 캘리포니아 샌 디에이고에서 140마일 정도 떨어진 곳에 있는 그린필드에는 이런 엽기적인 아버지가 있더군요. 위에 열거한 물건과 돈을 받기로 하고 딸을 이웃에 사는 남자에게 넘겼답니다.

어떤 사람이냐,이렇게 생겼습니다.친딸을 맥주랑 바꾸려고 했던 남자 입니다.경찰서에서 찍는 머그샷(범죄 용의자 사진) 치고 험악하게 나오지 않는 게 드물지만 한 짓을 생각하니 더 무섭게 느껴지네요.^^

더 어이없는 건 딸을 산 남자가 고작 18살짜리라는 겁니다.허허.

이런 짓을 대놓고 소문내면서 했을리는 없고 어떻게 붙잡혔을까요?
딸을 사기로 했던 남자가 약속했던 돈과 물건을 주지 않자 딸을 되돌려 받기 위해 경찰에 딸이 집을 나갔다며 거짓 실종 신고를 했고 딸이 그 남자 집에 가게 된 경위에 대한 경찰 조사과정에서 딸을 판 사실이 드러나 되려 본인이 쇠고랑을 차게 됐습니다. 물론 딸을 산 남자도 인신 매매와 미성년자 강간 혐의로 같은 신세가 됐구요.

사실대로 경찰에 신고하지 않은 것으로 미뤄,이런 짓이 죄가 된다는 걸 알고 있었다고 볼 수 있습니다. (여기서 아버지는 인신 매매 혐의와 미성년자를 결혼시킨 죄가 적용됩니다. 캘리포니아에서는 부모 동의가 있더라도 16세가 넘어야 결혼이 가능하거든요.)

그런데 경찰 조사에 죄가 없다고 주장했습니다. 자신은 딸을 그 18세 청년과 결혼을 시켰다는 겁니다. 이 사람은 멕시코 출신인데 자기네 동네(Trique 라는 곳이랍니다)에서는 딸을 시집 보낼 때 돈과 음식을 받는 건 당연하다는 주장입니다.

물론 딸은 그 남자와 결혼을 하지도 않은 상태에서 동거를 했기 때문에 이 말을 그대로 믿기는 좀 그렇습니다. 하지만 그린필드 대표는 Trique에서 중매 결혼과 결혼할 때 물건이 오가는 건 흔한 일이라면서 편을 들고 나섭니다. 경찰 조사 결과 딸 '강제로' 팔려간 흔적도 없었구요.

이 멕시코 사람들의 주장대로 그쪽 동네에서는 딸을 돈과 음식을 받고 시집보내는 게 흔한 일이라면,법적인 부분은 차치하더라도(로마에서는 로마법을 따르라~) 그들의 문화니까 이해는 해줘야하는 걸까요.현지 경찰은 문화적 차이를 알고는 있다면서도 법 위반은 분명하다는 입장만을 내놓았는데요.

백번 양보해서,만약에 딸이 미성년자가 아니었다면 신랑이 처가집에 선물을 주는 것으로 볼 수도 있을 것 같긴 하지만 아무리 생각해도 기분이 나빠집니다.여러분들은 어떠신지요?

P.S: 또다른 형태의 엽기 부모 얘기가 궁금하시다면 내일자(16일) 서울신문 국제면을 보세요~ (이 포스트는 낚시?)

오바마가 태닝 광고에 등장?

보라마녀 — Tue, 23 Dec 2008 16:17:11 +0900

오늘(23일) 아침 후배와 오바마의 인기에 대해 얘기를 하게 됐습니다.후배 왈,

"동네 어떤 가게에 갔더니 선배(저를 말합니다) 기사랑 오바마 사진이 붙어있더라구요."

서울신문 독자였던 그 가게 사장님께 왜 오바마 사진을 붙여놓았냐고 묻자,오바마에 대해 대단히 관심이 많다고 했답니다.

우리나라에서도 대통령에 당선되면 소위 '허니문 기간'이라고 해서 언론들도 어지간한 일 아니면 호의적으로 기사를 쓰는 분위기가 있는 것은 사실입니다.하지만 오바마에 대한 전세계적인 사랑과는 비교할 바도 아니죠.오바마에 대한 비판적인 기사는 최근 동성애에 대해 부정적인 발언을 해온 릭 워렌 목사에게 취임식 기도를 맡기면서 논란을 일으킨 것과 앞서 초당적인 용인술로 민주당내부 불만을 사고 있는 것 외에는 특별히 없었을 정도니까요.

오바마에 대한 애정과 기대가 오죽 넘쳤으면 조지프 바이든 부통령 당선인이 CNN 래리 킹 라이브 "새 행정부에 대한 국제사회의 희망에 압도당하는 느낌"이라며 부담감을 털어놨겠습니까.오바마가 기대를 져버릴지,아니면 계속 지금의 인기를 유지할지는 계속 두고볼 문제로 우선 접어두겠습니다.

요즘 제게 몹쓸 버릇 하나가 생겼으니,바로 자꾸 차기 오바마 정부와 우리 정부를 비교하게 된다는 겁니다.특히 외모...더이상 언급하지 않겠습니다.흠흠.(교육부 장관 내정자인 어니 덩컨과 오바마가 한 프레임에 들어오면 어찌나 흐뭇한지,아 이놈의 외모지상주의...)

오늘 오바마 인기 얘기를 꺼낸 이유도 그의 대통령,리더로서의 자질에 대해 얘기하고 싶어서가 아니라 바로 이 외모 때문입니다.뭐 딱히 흠잡을 데 없이 참 훌륭합니다.(하와이에 휴가가서 찍힌 사진은 꿀꺽~)거기다 그의 진취적이고 상생을 추구하는 정치 스타일 등과 결합해,그의 외모는 표면적인 미 뿐만 아니라 좋은 이미지까지 갖췄습니다.

이런 오바마에 대해 침 흘리는 것은 비단 저같은 주책맞은 여인네만이 아닌 것 같습니다.돈 벌려는 사람들에게 오바마가 참 좋은 광고 수단이 될 수 있다는 겁니다.

ABC 뉴스의 인터넷판 기사가 바로 이런 점을 그대로 보여줍니다.러시아에서 태닝 샵 광고 전단지에 오바마가 등장한 것입니다.(아래 사진)

사실 오바마한테는 굉장한 모욕입니다.실리오 베를루스코니 이탈리아 총리가 오바마에 대해 젊고 잘생기고 제대로 선탠한 지도자라고 발언했다고 국제적인 비판을 받은 사실을 굳이 언급하지 않아도 이유는 아실겁니다.

여기에 그의 가지런한 치아까지도 업자들의 눈에 들었습니다.치과 광고 전단지에도 오바마가 등장하고 광고 문구는 '완벽한 치아 민주주의(complete dental democracy)'이기까지 합니다.ㅡㅡ;; (러시아어 아시는 분들은 해석 좀~)

이에 대한 러시아 시민들의 반응도 엇갈렸습니다.눈에 띈다는 반응에서 굉장히 모욕적이라는 대답까지 나왔습니다.(태닝 광고에 대해서는 저는 확실히 후자에 한표입니다)

오바마가 이 광고 전단지를 봤다면 어떤 반응을 보였을까요.또 여러분들은 어떻게 생각하시나요?

P.S:MB가 전단지에 등장하면 광고 효과가 있을까요?(잡혀가려나?)

외신 속 국회,부끄럽다는 말로는 부족해

보라마녀 — Fri, 19 Dec 2008 11:32:01 +0900

국제부에 온지 이제 한달 좀 넘었습니다.

국제부 와서도 배운 게 도둑질(?)이라고 다른 나라 정치 기사를 많이 쓰게 됩니다.특히 오바마 인수위팀 소식에 최근 일어나 일리노이주 매관매직 스캔들 기사까지,나와바리(일본 말이라 자제해야하는데 기자들 사이에서는 아직도 쓰인답니다.담당 구역을 가르키는 말이죠.)만 달라졌을 뿐이라고나 할까요.(국제부 와서 첫 기사는 뉴질랜드 총선 기사였다는~~)

물론 요즘 세계적인 경제 위기로 경제 기사도 많이 쓰게 됩니다.아침마다 파이낸셜타임스와 월스트리트저널을 보느라 눈이 빠질 지경이죠.

어쨌거나 이제 국제부 적응기를 지났다 싶어 블로그 활동을 시작하려고 합니다.그런데 국제부 와서 기껏쓴다는 첫 글이 우습게도(?) 여의도 관련 얘기입니다.

오늘(19일) 아침에 출근해 뉴욕타임스 홈페이지에 들어갔습니다.기사를 스크린할 때 남한,북한(SKorea,Nkorea)이라는 제목이 들어간 것에 눈길이 갈 수 밖에 없죠.그동안은 메인 페이지를 장식하는 기사는 주로 북핵 관련 소식이었지 남한 얘기는 그닥 없었습니다.

그런데 오늘은 남한 소식이 떠있더군요.제목을 다 보지 않고 South Korea라는 단어만 보고도 가슴이 철렁했습니다.올 것이 왔구나.

<South Korea Trade Fight Gets Ugly>라는 제하에 어제(18일) 국회 외통위에서에서 벌어진 소식을 전했습니다.사진부터 참 얼굴이 뜨거워지게 만들더니 급기야 기사 중간에 이런 부분이 등장,부끄럽다 못해 슬퍼졌습니다.

....Violent clashes in the National Assembly are not unheard of, reflecting the nation’s feisty brand of democracy....
(국회에서 이런 무력 충돌이 처음도 아니며 여기에는 걸핏하면 싸우는 한국 민주주의 특징이 반영돼 있다.)

feisty라는 단어를 쓴 게 좀 분하긴(?) 하지만 뭐 솔직히 사실을 왜곡한 것은 아니니,씁쓸했습니다.

외신에 비치는 한국은 정형화 돼 있는 것 같습니다.
북한은 핵을 갖고 독재자가 통치하는 나라,남한은 교육에 목매며(입시 기사를 외신들이 종종 신기해하며 다루죠) 성형 수술이 만연해있고 국회에서는 쌈질이나 하는 나라 정도로 말입니다.

자극적인 내용을 좋아하는 언론의 특성과 한국이라는 작은 나라의 일반적인 뉴스는 전 세계에 미치는 영향력이 적다보니 다루는 빈도수가 적어서 빚어진 결과일 수 있겠죠.하지만 없는 내용을 쓰는 것도 아니니 할 말이 없습니다.한숨만 나올 뿐이죠.

여기서 간만에 여의도 소식 한토막.
어제 저녁 오랜만에 민주당 사람들을 만났는데 역시나 화제는 그날 낮에 있었던 소동이었습니다.

이런 저런 얘기를 하다가 현장에 없었던 제가 "도대체 톱은 어디서 가져온거냐.미리 준비하는 그런 치밀함을 민주당이 보일리가 없다."고 묻자 누군가 "민주노동당 제공"이라고 답하면서 제 질문을 정정해주더군요.톱이 아니라 그라인더였다고 말입니다.(ㅡㅡ;;;;)

여의도 보라마녀,어디로 갔나.

보라마녀 — Sun, 09 Nov 2008 14:43:06 +0900

보라마녀가 여의도에서 사라졌습니다.
정치계 사건,인물 심지어 기자들에 대한 소식을 전하던 '4차원' 보라마녀가 어디로 갔을까요.

아,'뭐,난 알고 싶지 않다.'하는 분들이 대부분이시겠지만 그래도 혹여 궁금하신 분들이 계실 것 같아 몇자 적습니다.

대선,총선 치르고 18대 국회 오프닝에서 최근 국정감사까지 참 숨가쁘게 달려왔습니다.그런 과정들을 기사에 그리고 여기 블로그에 담아왔습니다.때로는 응원의 메시지도,때로는 무시무시한 악플들도 만났지만 지면이 아닌 다른 매체로 독자들을 만나는 시간들이 참 즐거웠습니다.

아,이렇게 쓰고보니 꼭 '기자질' 관두는 사람 같네요.ㅋㅋ
여기 블로그에서도 여러차례 밝힌 바 있지만 기자가 천직인 터라,기자 생활은 계속합니다.저한테 처음 지면을 주고,블로그도 분양(?) 해준 서울신문도 계속 다닙니다.

다만 왼쪽에 있는 블로그 제목과 컨셉은 바꿔야할 것 같습니다.오늘(9일)부터 국제부로 출근했거든요.배운 게 도둑질이라서 첫 기사가 뉴질랜드 총선이네요.ㅎㅎ

특파원이 아닌 이상 국제부 취재라는 게 결국 인터넷을 통하는 게 대부분입니다.그래서 아직 이 블로그를 어떤 컨셉으로 꾸려야할지 고민 중입니다.아마도 검색하면 인터넷 어딘가에 분명 존재하고 있는 내용을 재료로 삼겠지만 그것을 보라마녀만의 시각으로 추려내서 묶고 해석하는 방향이 되지 않을까 싶습니다.여기에 정치부에 비해 시간적 여유도 생겼으니 기자가 아닌 그냥 인간 보라마녀 이야기도 담을 기회도 있을 거라고 봅니다.(<-알고 싶지 않다,하는 분들은 패스~)

저도 정치를 싫어하지만 그래도 무관심은 안된다는 생각에,정치를 조금 다르게 재미있게 전달하고자 만들었던 <보라마녀 in 여의도> 블로그를 찾아주시고 칭찬과 질책 아끼지 않으셨던 블로거,네티즌 여러분께 감사드립니다.조만간 블로그 새단장해서 찾아뵙겠습니다.꾸벅~

이종걸 의원,졸개 발언 이어 이번엔 재수없다?

보라마녀 — Fri, 07 Nov 2008 16:28:18 +0900

18대 첫 국정 감사 마지막날을 화려하게 장식했던 사건 기억나시죠? 유인촌 문화체육관광부 장관이 "찍지마 찍지마 C~" 발언했던 것 말입니다.

그렇다면,당시 그 발언의 원인 제공자도 기억하시나요?민주당 이종걸 의원이 문광부에 대한 국감 자리에서 "장관, 차관, 낙하산 대기자들은 이명박의 휘하들 졸개들"이라고 말하면서 장관의 한명으로 그 자리 출석해있던 유 장관을 자극했고,결국 유 장관이 부적절한 언행으로 대국민 사과까지 했었죠.

어제(7일) '시끄러운 곳에 꼭 있다-강만수,서갑원'이라는 제목의 글에도 잠깐 언급했지만 이 의원도 만만치 않죠.아니 어찌보면 대형 사고는 이 의원이 주로 친다고 할 수 있을 겁니다.

오늘 이 의원은 경제 분야 대정부 질문에서 강만수 장관을 다그치기 시작했습니다.어제 강 장관의 헌재 접촉 발언으로 정치권이 발칼 뒤집힌 가운데 열린 대정부 질문이었던터라,이 의원은 이 문제에 대해 집중적으로 질의했습니다.

이 의원은 강 장관이 기획재정부가 접촉한 대상이 주심 재판관이 아니라 연구관이었다고 해명하자 "헌법재판관과 헌법연구관을 구별 못하나.지금까지 매번 오락가락 매번 거짓말하고,'그런 취지가 아니고...','언론 보도된 것이 그게 아니고...' 이런 게 도대체 몇 번이냐.국민학교 5학년이냐.5학년 교과서에 헌법재판관과 헌법재판연구관이 따로 나와 있다."고 다그쳤습니다.

강 장관을 '초딩' 취급을 하는 것에서 그치지 않았습니다.이 의원은 "경제수장 장관이 이렇게 오락가락 왔다갔다,갈팡질팡... 장관의 행위를 어떻게 믿냐.장관이 시장에 나타나면 재수없다고 한다.오늘 또 드디어 헌정 농단 행위를 여기서 바로 전 의원이 보는 앞에 한 것을 또 말바꾸기 하고 있다. 헌법재판관과 연구관 구별 못하는 게 말이 되냐. 사퇴하라.사퇴 안 할 것이냐?"라고 몰아세웠습니다.

직접 대놓고 '당신 재수없다.'라는 말을 한 것은 아니지만,사실 좀 놀랐습니다.한나라당 의원들은 자리에 앉아 소리 치며 거칠게 항의하기도 했죠.

지난번 졸개 발언으로 한나라당으로부터 윤리위 제소를 당한 이 의원.이번에는 그런 일이 되풀이 될 것 같지는 않지만,조금만 선을 더 넘으면 또 그렇지 않으리라는 보장도 없어 보입니다.

그런데 이 의원은 발언 수위를 조절하지 않는 것일까요.한 의원은 이런 해석을 내놓더라구요.

"지역에 갔더니 이종걸 의원 얘기를 많이 하더라.3선 의원인데도 그동안 특별히 주목받지 못했는데 이번에 인지도 확실히 높였더라.또 지지자들은 '속이 다 시원하다.'고 좋아하더라."

이 의원과 직접 얘기해보지 않았으니 다른 의원의 위와 같은 해석이 이 의원 발언의 배경이라고 말할 수는 없습니다.그럼에도 이같은 해석에 고개가 끄덕여지기도 합니다.

정치적 입지도 좋고,지지자 스트레스 해소도 좋지만 그래도 조금은 브레이크를 거는 게 필요하다고 생각합니다.야당 의원으로서의 야성 회복은 막말에서 나오는 게 아니라 국민이 믿고 지지할 수 있는 행동에서 나오기 때문입니다.